Late Transformer Layers Recode Syntax Canonically: Evidence from Greek Scrambling and Cross-Layer Generalisation

Probing studies have established that syntactic information is decodable in early and middle transformer layers, but what happens to that information in later layers remains poorly understood. We apply a cross-layer generalisation analysis to three Greek-tuned large language models evaluated on tightly controlled minimal pairs: object-relative constructions in Modern Greek, where canonical (Subject-Verb-Object; SVO) and non-canonical (Verb-Subject-Object; VSO) orders differ only in within-clause word order, while preserving propositional meaning. When a probe trained on late layers (20-31) is tested on each early layer individually, it produces below-chance transfer (cluster-corrected, p<0.01), classifying 99.3% of non-canonical sentences as canonical. Probe coefficients reverse sign around layer 22, indicating a directional recoding toward the canonical form rather than simple information loss. These findings characterise a representational format change in late transformer layers that goes beyond the well-established decline in syntactic decodability, and they generate a directly testable prediction for human EEG and MEG decoding studies using the same stimuli. Code and stimuli are publicly available on OSF.

Using Prosody to Predict Syntactic Structure

While it is well-established that prosody carries crucial cues for syntactic structure, the degree and nature of correspondence between these two domains remains contested. We investigate the syntax-prosody interface through an information-theoretic lens, quantifying the interaction between prosodic features and syntactic representations as their mutual information. We provide a general-purpose framework for estimating this quantity over large speech-text corpora using multimodal language models. Our framework is structure-agnostic and modular, insofar as it can be used to measure the contributions of individual prosodic features or components of structure. We evaluate the syntax-prosody relationship for two features (word duration and inter-word pauses) across two domains--read audiobooks and spontaneous conversations--both in English. Our results demonstrate that prosody contains measurable syntactic information, with prosodic features reducing syntactic uncertainty in spontaneous conversations by up to 10.2%. Our findings offer new empirical support for several theoretical accounts of the syntax-prosody interface.

Causal Interventions Reveal Typologically Organized Syntactic Mechanisms in Multilingual Language Models

Linguistic theory has long recognized cross-linguistic syntactic regularities, leading to claims that these similar structures are processed by similar mechanisms. However, this hypothesis has been difficult to test empirically due to our lack of fine-grained, manipulable access of human processing mechanisms. In this work, we take advantage of techniques from mechanistic interpretability to study such a question in multilingual LMs. We first isolate language-internal mechanisms before attempting to transfer them cross-lingually. Across four models and three well-studied constructions (subject--verb number agreement, anaphoric pronoun gender agreement, and filler--gap object extraction) we find consistent cross-lingual mechanism transfer. We further find transfer to be graded, with more transfer between more typologically similar languages. We believe our work provides novel hypotheses about cross-linguistic syntactic structures and multilingual processing, and more broadly shows how the study of language models can help inform linguistic theory.

Representation of syntax in LLMs through the lens of linear distance and similarity-aware entropy

Structural probes were introduced by Hewitt and Manning to reconstruct syntactic trees from a neural language model's latent representations. They are evaluated by calculating the proportion of syntactic tree edges correctly reconstructed over an annotated corpus (as measured by undirected unlabeled attachment score). Here, we disaggregate this measure, considering undirected attachment score by label (UASL), which assesses the reconstruction accuracy of each syntactic relation separately, establishing important differences among relations that overlap linguistic distinctions. Moreover, we identify two factors that predict most of UASL's variability across relations: (i) the mean and dispersion of the linear distance (on a log scale) between the related words, and (ii) the diversity (similarity-aware entropy) of the syntactic relation's head. These results, which hold across a range of model sizes and architectures, shed light on the degree of abstraction of the representation of syntax in language models and the dependence of such representation on geometric properties of the embedding space.

Does Episodic Memory Help Close the Lexical Frequency Gap in Sensitivity to Syntactic Contrasts? A Test Using Retrieval-Augmented Language Models

Grammatical knowledge and how it is empirically tested are typically considered robust to the frequency of the lexical items in the expressions. However, neural network-based models of grammaticality exhibit high sensitivity to lexical frequency. We draw upon Complementary Learning Systems theory to test the hypothesis that robustness to lexical frequency can arise via a hippocampal episodic memory mechanism, which enables rapid encoding and retrieval of specific experiences and allows learners to leverage them when processing rare patterns. We use retrieval-augmented language models as an instantiation of such an episodic memory mechanism (specifically, $k$-nearest-neighbor language models that augment parametric models with explicit instance storage), and test whether this augmentation helps close the lexical frequency gap that vanilla language models exhibit in syntactic contrast tests. Using syntactic contrasts with frequency-stratified test items, we find that retrieval augmentation narrows the performance gap between high- and low-frequency items, consistent with episodic memory compensating for weak parametric representations. This benefit is consistent across different syntactic phenomena and across models pretrained on child-realistic and large-scale data. Additionally, we show that structural information is critical for effective retrieval, whereas semantic similarity alone provides little benefit. While these are promising proof-of-concept results supporting our hypothesis, the frequency gap is narrowed rather than fully closed. Based on our analyses, we propose preferential reweighting of retrieved instances, better representations and retrieval strategies for structural information, and flexible configurations of storage and retrieval as promising future directions for improving the implementation of episodic memory in language models.

Beyond Sequence Order: Syntax-Informed Positional Embeddings for Transformers

Positional embeddings (PE) in Transformers encode token distance and order but are largely agnostic to \textit{syntactic structure}. We introduce \textbf{S}yntax-\textbf{i}nformed \textbf{P}ositional \textbf{E}mbeddings (\textbf{SiPE}), which learns a lightweight syntactic prior from dependency parses during pretraining and injects it across all three dominant PE families (absolute, relative, rotary), for both encoders and decoders, leaving self-attention and the rest of the architecture untouched. We isolate \emph{where} and \emph{how} the prior should enter the model, and find it depends on the architecture: for autoregressive decoders that use relative PE, the prior is strongest when coupled multiplicatively with the relative-position term of the attention score, outperforming injection into the input embeddings, into self-attention, or into the positional and attention terms jointly---while for encoders it is best added directly to the input embeddings, composing with each encoder's native positional mechanism. We find that models pre-trained with SiPE improve on the SyntaxGym benchmark by up to $10.3\%$ while simultaneously reducing perplexity by $9.0\%$ over a base model with no syntactic supervision---a metric nearly every existing syntax-injection method instead degrades. Crucially, these gains extend beyond syntactic generalization: SiPE also improves real-world language understanding, raising scores on the GLUE benchmark by up to $8.2\%$ over a model trained without it. Unlike existing syntactic language models that marginalize over many parses at inference or discard syntax at runtime, SiPE conditions on a single parse, establishing a new Pareto frontier between syntactic supervision and inference cost.

Non-binary bottom-up constituency parsing without arity actions

Non-binary bottom-up constituency parsing commonly uses arity-specific reductions such as \(\textsc{Reduce-}X\#k\), which jointly specify the mother label and number of children. We show that arity need not be a primitive transition parameter. The proposed parser predicts the mother label separately and identifies the ordered child sequence from a delimiter-bounded stack configuration. In every well-formed reducible configuration, the active delimiter, label marker, and intervening completed items uniquely determine the reduction domain and hence its arity. This factorization removes label--arity-specific reduction actions while preserving direct construction of the original non-binary trees. Controlled experiments on PTB and CTB show that the delimiter-guided parser closely tracks an arity-specific baseline while using a substantially smaller action inventory. Its predicted trees retain the gold branching profile without systematic collapse at higher arities. The smaller inventory is obtained at the cost of longer derivations and boundary-sensitive errors involving delimiter insertion, preservation, and consumption.

The syntax of wh-agreement in Yemeni Ibbi Arabic

This article tackles an important phenomenon in the syntax of Yemeni Ibbi Arabic (YIA), viz., wh-agreement, a phenomenon common to several languages including Greek, Indonesian, Lubukusu, Irish, etc. In YIA, wh-agreement manifests itself via agreement inflections on the Wh-Op, C, T/V, v. To account for this phenomenon, we propose an Agree across phases (AAP) approach anchored in the mechanism of Feature Inheritance (FI) in which Agree as MATCHING (AM) is a bit separated from feature valuation (FV). AM concerns Cs/vs, but FV Ts/Vs. Analyzing the agreement patterns observed between Wh-Op(erators), functional heads (precisely C, (T), v), and verbal complexes, we argue that the suffixes -eh, -uh, -nen, -um, having undergone grammaticalization process from Stannard Arabic (SA) third person pronouns, function as morphological marking of wh-agreement. Findings indicate that YIA data offer a unique empirical contribution to generative syntax, specifically concerning wh-agreement in this dialect operating via MATCHING mechanism. Our proposal straightforwardly accounts for wh-agreement cross-linguistically. This study provides further evidence that incorporating under-investigated typology provides further support for the universality of Universal Grammar (UG) by revealing how specific I-language operations reflect deeper, invariant principles of human language architecture. It concludes that the wh-agreement mechanism in YIA is more morphosyntactically robust than in languages such as Greek, Indonesian, Palauan, and Irish, providing compelling evidence for AAP as a UG approach to long-distance dependencies.

Weave of Formal Thought

Large language models (LLMs) attain remarkable surface fluency on code, yet they neither formally guarantee the syntactic validity of their output nor leverage the hierarchical structure defining the target language. While existing constrained-decoding frameworks address the former, they operate under rigid assumptions that preclude critical lexical mechanisms -- including context-sensitive lexing, maximal-munch tokenization, and keyword extraction -- and only approximate vocabulary masking, sacrificing completeness. For the latter, code LLMs typically inject grammatical structure via predetermined policies rather than learning which structural information to expose. In this work, we introduce Weave of Formal Thought (WoFT), a paradigm uniting rigorous syntactic validation with learned structural representations. First, we present a formal engine and constrained decoder that is sound and complete with respect to the full Tree-sitter specification. By augmenting generalized LR (GLR) parsing with a speculative-lexing construction that maintains concurrent lexer-state hypotheses synchronized with a GLR graph-structured stack, our decoder admits every subword token extending to a valid program prefix and rejects all others. Second, we present a latent-variable fine-tuning method training the language model to interleave non-terminal grammar symbols directly into generation. Utilizing the reweighted wake-sleep (RWS) algorithm to optimize the importance-weighted evidence lower bound (IW-ELBO) of the surface text, the model learns to selectively retain formal derivations as an adaptive structural scratchpad. For Python, fine-tuning StarCoder2-3B with our RWS objective reduces per-token cross-entropy by 14.3% relative to a text-only SFT baseline, demonstrating that discretionary latent syntax recovers critical structural information that flat autoregressive training discards.

Self-Training Doesn't Flatten Language -- It Restructures It: Surface Markers Amplify While Deep Syntax Dies

Successive self-training on a language model's own outputs is widely characterized as a process of flattening: diversity drops, distributions narrow, and the text becomes "more like itself." We provide evidence that this characterization is incomplete. Across eleven generations of self-training on five models (GPT-2 124M, Pythia-410M, Pythia-1.4B, OPT-1.3B, Pythia-2.8B), language is not flattened uniformly -- it is restructured. Surface markers (discourse connectives, hedges, em-dashes) rise, while mid- and deep-syntactic structures (questions, parentheticals, passives, subjunctives) collapse. We formalize this asymmetric collapse as the Structural Depth Hypothesis (SDH): the per-generation decay rate of a linguistic feature is predicted primarily by its structural depth -- the number of nested syntactic dependencies it requires -- and only secondarily by its generation-zero output frequency. Pooling 17-feature panels from five models spanning three architecture families (N=85), the pooled Spearman correlation is rho=0.540 (p < 10^{-6}; cluster-bootstrap 95% CI [0.434, 0.634]), while frequency is a substantially weaker predictor (rho=0.225). A matched human-text fine-tuning control yields rho=0.039 (p=0.88), confirming the gradient is self-training-specific. We further document a Superficial Complexity Paradox: aggregate complexity proxies (dep-tree depth, TTR, word length) all rise as the underlying clause structure dies, with direct implications for training-data curation and LLM-text detection.