Varvara Arzt, Allan Hanbury, Terra Blevinscs.CL cs.AI
We systematically compare word order preferences in decoder-only language models across 192 artificial languages and typologically diverse natural languages. On artificial languages, models exhibit a left-branching preference that aligns with neither natural language universals nor human word order learning biases. On natural languages, monolingual models show no clear base word order bias at small scales, but as data grows, a preference for right-branching subject-verb-object (SVO) languages emerges while SOV falls behind despite being the most frequent order cross-linguistically. This SVO advantage extends to multilingual models and correlates with language resource level and data quality rather than word order. Thus, the same architecture exhibits opposite preferences on artificial and natural languages, establishing that word order biases observed in practice are data-driven. Since highly-resourced languages are overwhelmingly SVO, these biases risk gradually reducing word order diversity, particularly in languages that productively use multiple word orders, with the widespread adoption of LLMs.
While 4-bit weight quantization is critical for deploying Small Language Models (SLMs) on edge devices, evaluations of the resulting performance degradation-the quantization tax-remain overwhelmingly English-centric. We present a zero-shot multilingual evaluation of 4-bit quantization across the Gemma 4 and Qwen 3.5 architectures. Evaluating on eight typo-logically diverse languages using MMLU ProX Lite and GlobalPIQA, we show parameter truncation exposes deep pre-training inequalities. We identify four phenomena: (1) Typological Fragility: low-resource and specific non-Latin scripts suffer representational collapse via architecture-specific double dissociations, failing to generate valid task logits; (2) Home Language Fragility Paradox: foundational pre-training pathways provide limited precision loss protection; (3) Domain-Specific Forgetting: multi-step cross-lingual routing degrades while associative soft-science recall remains robust; and (4) Quantization Resistance: highly saturated, typologically aligned domains resist deterministic degradation, with post-quantization performance gains bounded by statistical noise.
Many of the thousands of attested languages share common configurations of features, creating a spectrum from typologically very rare (e.g., object-verb-subject word order) or impossible languages to very common combinations of features (e.g., subject-object-verb word order). One central question is under what conditions such typological tendencies can be predicted, and specifically whether the learning bias of language models (LMs) is sufficient to reproduce such patterns. In this study, we add one dimensionality to such analysis -- the learning scenario for LMs -- to explore its interaction with the inductive bias of LMs. Specifically, as a first study, we examine the effect of curriculum learning (CL), as a developmentally motivated learning scenario, i.e., starting with simpler sentences rather than randomly-ordered input. We expand existing LM-based exploration (El-Naggar et al., 2025a,b) with a simple CL variant and find that CL substantially impacts the apparent inductive bias of LMs.